Category: Archives

  • ZH Archive:为什么北方人离日韩那么近,长相却不一样(北方人多窄长脸,日韩多宽脸)?


    Abstract

    The article attempts to answer the question: “Why do Northern Chinese look so different from Koreans and Japanese despite being geographically close (Northerners tend to have narrow, long faces while Koreans and Japanese tend to have wider, rounder faces)?”It proposes that the main reason lies in the difference between the inner circle (inland Northern Chinese) and the outer circle (ocean rim/coastal groups).

    The author claims that Koreans and Japanese belong to the outer circle O2 lineage (originating from Southern Chinese/Guangdong-Vietnam), characterized by rounder/wider faces. In contrast, Northern Chinese (mainly O3) are said to have mixed with “black African” elements, resulting in narrower and longer faces. The article includes pictures to demonstrate these facial differences.

    Using the Dragon Boat Festival (Duanwu) as evidence, the piece highlights major differences in customs and naming between Vietnam/Korea and China, arguing that the outer circle (Southern Chinese, Vietnamese, Koreans, Japanese) shares a common O2 cultural and genetic foundation, while the inland inner circle has diverged significantly. The author also suggests that South Korea was founded and is still influenced by this outer-circle O2 bloodline.

    The core thesis is that geographical proximity between Northern Chinese and Koreans/Japanese is misleading, as their physical appearance differs due to distinct ancestral mixes — particularly the supposed African influence on Northern long faces versus the “original” round-faced O2 of the ocean rim groups.


    Original Article

    北方人和日本人唯一区别就是没有原来的O2。

    日本的O2是韩国过去的,而韩国原生的O2是越南/广台传上去的。

    举个例,

    越南和韩国都有端午节,

    但越南和韩国的端午节根本不划龙舟,也不吃粽子,更不要提什么屈原,

    越南对端午节叫 Đoan Ngọ而韩国叫Dano (단오)

    发音9成接近,

    而中国的端午节和他们发音完全不相似,大概相似度4成(BY AI 结论)

    就算粤语虽然比普通话更接近Đoan Ngọ和Dano (단오),

    但也只有五成而已,也就是中国的端午节压根和越南或韩国的端午节是两回事,

    或者中国端午节完全是于另外一种文明的产物的衍生物,

    我列一下韩国和越南和中国端午节区别,

    Da No vs Doan Ngo vs Duan Wu

    虽然O2和O3都是广东上去的,

    那么既然北方人喜欢说O3正宗那么我们就把O2说是百越吧,

    其实O2和O3都是百越,

    当然上面端午节的异常有另外一个解释就是,

    真的是越南带上去Literally,

    根据国外的权威的最高票数第一答案,说的就是

    In 1955, Rhee Syngman came to South Vietnam, announcing that his ancestors came from Vietnam, wanting to visit his royal family’s cemetery (in Bac Ninh province, North Vietnam). Due to the new Vietnam split, it was not possible for him to do so. Historical records show that he is the 11th generation of Ly Long Tuong, a Vietnamese royal navy general fleeing Vietnam when the Trần Dynasty took over the Lý dynasty, in fear of being purged. In Korea, the surname Lý is transcripted into English as Lee or Rhee.


    1955年,李承晚来到南越,声称自己的祖先来自越南,并希望前往(位于北越北宁省的)王室家族墓地祭拜。但由于当时越南刚分裂不久,他未能如愿。历史记载显示,他是李龙祥的第11代后人。李龙祥原是越南皇家海军将领,在陈朝取代李朝时,因担心遭到清洗而逃离越南。在韩国,李姓的英文转写通常为 Lee 或 Rhee。

    李承晚是谁?是韩国国父,也就是现代的南韩就是越南人一手建立起来的。



    OK,上面说了什么?

    上面说了,根据端午节的习俗,

    韩国人,

    ① 要不就是广台人RAW right from the START。

    ② 要不就是越南人李姓建立的国度。

    但无论是那种情况都和现实结论不相关,

    也就是上面那段是多余,

    也就是不需要它们,现实就是现实

    它们被引是用增加一下你们非纯的绝望感而已,

    结论就是韩国人真有一群O2区别于北方人的O3,

    然后北方人不知道他们是从哪里冒出来的。

    and that O2,就是日韩人相貌区别于北方人的原因,

    就如上面北方人所说的北方汉族都是长脸居多,

    当然这都是分子人类学大家都知道但大家都不说的常识,

    但其实只要脑袋能做数学,

    一眼都能看出北方人就是混了汉人白雪的黑人,

    但对方智商不够或偏要说不是,你也没办法,

    但这是20年前的事情,

    现在【广台转换】这个函数任何AI都能做的很好,

    到了跟北方人和中国伪人种学界算总账的时刻了。

    也就是【日韩史学界】所说的崖山之后无中国,

    现在的内陆人和北方人都是【假汉人】这件事如何善后 ?

    为什么日韩这么在意这件事呢?

    原因就是他们和汉人是种族上和文化上亲戚,

    就算无法帮汉人报仇,也无法和黄患同流合污。

    其实O3原生估计都是圆脸的,

    为啥现在都说北方汉人是长脸,你细品。

    当然,现在因为AI太多,

    所以我有必要将原照片的出处标明,

    以免reverse engineering之嫌。

    北方黑人是不是特例?

    不是,如果你仔细观察北方满大街都是,

    北方变无人区后现在南方也开始满大街都是这种长脸的北方黑人。


    南北韩国父都是典型的O2特征甚至可以说北方人更汉族。

    什么是汉族?

    这里再离题说一下上面的外圈汉族O2端午节的民间传统摔跤

    这是韩国的版本

    韩国人都是看这些东西长大的

    这是越南的版本

    为啥我们端午没有这种福利?

    这是小日本挑战越南女力士,

    一开始我不看简介都不知道小日本竟然也好这一口,

    竟然飞去越南玩摔跤,而且还玩的很开心的,

    一开始以为他们只是闺蜜大家抱抱玩一玩而已,

    后来我一想小日本的国技相扑和这玩意不就是一回事么?

    关键是小日本和越南和韩国人都好这一口,

    那脸上开心的表情不是装出来。

    结论就是,

    亚洲外圈(即沿海地区)的O2在民族DNA和民俗层面都是一回事,

    和圈内的O3完全是两回事,

    端午节这是说明的就是民俗的分叉

    这解释了为啥日韩台湾旧香港是一回事,

    也就是圈内歧视比较少的一个O2汉族文化圈。

    但O3一出去就被各国各种恶意刁难,

    因为外圈汉族是近房亲戚,

    内圈汉族是远房亲戚还染了黑,

    外圈一谈摔跤大家都是yeahyeah流口水兴致勃勃的讨论,

    内圈则是黑人问号❓️什么摔跤❓️汉族没有这种东西啊❗️

    端午节说明就是原本O祖先有个叫DANO的节日,

    传到O3和O2都变了样,

    但内圈版本和外圈版本还是明显的区别。


    OK,那么结尾总要点一下题,

    为啥北方人长得长脸,日韩长得多年。

    北方人长脸因为北方人都是被汉族赶上去的黑人D,连O3都不是,

    黑人都是长脸的。

    然后O2是汉族,汉族全都是圆脸的。

    因为汉族是欧亚人长得完全和非洲人不像!

    而且理论上O2和O3都应该是清一色圆脸,

    O3以因为深入内陆废了,

    所以已经和O2在民俗和基因上都已经不是一回事,

    当然内陆现在也还有很多圆脸汉人。

    最后给你列个【PORN】的矩阵你一看就能完全明白发生了什么事。

    O系的原生长相,

    下面是美国R系。


    然后就到了现实的问题,

    韩国到底现在是内圈O3还是外圈O2把持。

    别的就不说了,没时间,

    就说三星吧,因为韩国的别名就是三星国。

    三星上年刚换了CEO,

    最新CEO是左边那个,

    也就是现任两个CO-CEO都是进不了韩国国家足球队的,

    但都是典型O2小日本特征,


    当然我知道这样说是unfair的,

    因为老三星的会长也是小日本O2血统

    也就是韩国今天之所以区别东北没有成为东北亚最穷的国家,

    是因为靠着越南广台O2纯汉的血统撑着,

    什么长腿欧巴一看就是黑人D,

    就经济发展而言是完全没用的。

    总结就是,

    韩国是越南广台纯汉O2建立经营和把持的国度,

    又因为日本的O2是韩国过去的,

    所以外圈O2是百越纯汉族,

    在文化还是长相还是基因上都

    区别于内圈的黄患O3。


    越南裔的韩国国父李承晚

    大汉民国国父伉俪与大汉子民

  • ZH Archive:北亚人种是处于最底层吗?


    Abstract

    The article argues that Northern Asians (北亚人) occupy a lower societal and historical position primarily due to their physical characteristics and cognitive traits, which the author claims are mismatched with cold climates. It portrays Northern Asians as having “typical African” body types — such as high metabolism, difficulty gaining fat, and long legs — making them ill-suited for Siberia or harsh northern environments.

    The piece claims these groups were originally from tropical or temperate zones and were pushed northward by more advanced Southern Chinese populations (referred to as 广台人 or pure Han). It extends this into broader racial theories, suggesting Northern Asian bloodlines carry “African ancestry” and that physical traits like high metabolism and limited capacity for prolonged mental focus are biologically determined and linked to social outcomes, class, and historical success.

    The article further discusses supposed differences in endocrine levels, brain heat generation during thinking, and metabolic efficiency between racial groups, attributing these to evolutionary pressures after leaving Africa. It includes an account of an American researcher whose controversial findings on metabolism, IQ, race, and social status were allegedly suppressed. The text uses these ideas to explain regional disparities in China and contrasts groups such as South vs North in modern contexts.

    The overall proposition frames physical anthropology, metabolism, and supposed racial biology as key explanations for historical migrations, economic patterns, and social hierarchies in East Asia.


    Original Article

    北亚处于底层是因为它们的身材和智商。

    从身材来看,北亚人是典型的非洲人身材,

    但和寒带out of place,格格不入,

    证明他们原本的栖身地和理想的栖身地都不在零下几十度的西伯利亚,

    而是在热带和温带,如广台,

    他们至于为什么去了东北,

    很明显就是被广台人(纯汉人)PUSH到北亚的罗。

    中国人有一种高廋的人怎么吃都吃不饱,他们就是北亚人,这的说的不是地狱概念,而是人种概念,从广东到西伯利亚,所谓的本地土著都有北亚人血统,北亚人血统就是非洲血统。

    因为这种人不可能活在寒带,像睿哥这种吃了一头牛都长不了脂肪的,根本不可能在古代的冰天雪地上生存。

    另外睿哥还有一双大长腿,这样不是冰地生存的工具,参考MIT的机器人设计。

    人类从非洲大平原(进化论的narrative)到了欧亚大陆之后,

    因为地形变得复杂,所以身体必须发生改变才能生存下去,

    如果你认为人不是进化出来,而是和机器一样造出来的话,

    那么问题就大了。

    因为这imply的是,

    所谓的长腿欧巴全都黑人血统(落后广台人至少两三代的安卓),

    而真正的欧亚白人,没有一个是长腿,

    因为无论是designed还是进化,

    短腿都是body dynamics的最佳设置,

    美国军方机器人的研发很好体现了这一种进化过程,

    从走皮带,到适应山地雪地,

    说的也是非洲人这种低等平原机器人进化成欧亚人这种复杂高等机器人的过程。

    所以北亚人的身体和其居住环境是格格不入,

    证明他们在那里生活不是by their own choice,

    而是被逼的,

    也证明南方人,即广台人,亚特人,

    羽人在远古开始就是比北亚人高级很多的人种。

    韩国人近代,靠假骗偷,实现一个奇迹,也就是把劣等人卖成了上等人,

    I have to give them that,确实牛。

    参考:

    ZH:北方城市如何奋起直追,才能改变目前”南强北弱“的经济格局?

    早在上个世纪50年代的时候,美国有一个教育学家富尔顿,发现有一些小孩,不论用什么办法,就是教不好。

    传统上,会把这些归罪于家庭或者教师没有尽到责任。但是富尔顿发现,这些家庭和教师都非常的尽力。

    所做的完全符合教育理论,但是依然没有任何改观,而且在每一个学校里头,都有相当数量的一些这样的青少年。

    于是富尔顿就想,会不会和他们自身有什么关系呢?

    于是他就找到了美国哈佛大学的内分泌专家柯西,让他来看看这些孩子和普通孩子之间,有什么不同。

    于是柯西就开始对这些孩子的内分泌水平进行检测,结果一不留神之间,捅出了一个惊天的大秘密。

    柯西发现,那些调皮捣蛋的孩子,通常基础代谢水平高于同龄人,而且睾酮素的分泌量也远远高于同龄人。

    因此这些孩子过分的喜欢表现自己,如果高到一定水平以后,这些孩子自己的大脑,是无法控制自己的。

    研究还进一步发现,只要这些孩子的这两个方面的内分泌,一直明显的高于一个阀值的话,实际上用任何教育方法,都无法改变这些孩子的行为,因为他们的大脑在替他们做主。

    柯西还发现,随着年龄的增长,其中有一些孩子也会逐渐变得听话,但实际上并不是老师或者家长的功劳,而是这些孩子的内分泌水平,回到了正常。

    如果研究只是到此的话,这算不上什么。实际上柯西的研究,在前期受到了高度好评,认为他开创了人类社会学研究的一个新方法。

    但是柯西在随后的研究中发现,内分泌的模式,会决定一个人的社会地位,不同种族的人,内分泌的模式是不同的,因此导致他们适应现代社会的能力也是不同的,这一下就捅开了马蜂窝。

    柯西发现,学校中的孩子,他们学习成绩的好坏,实际上和家长老师的努力无关。

    柯西做了一个实验,让一群小孩分别读一些他们都没有读过的书,并思考其中的问题。

    然后用红外测温仪,来测小孩的体温。柯西发现,有些小孩,最多半个小时以后,脑部的温度就急剧上升,然后这些小孩就开始表现得疲惫,分心,因而显得不耐烦。

    而另外一些小孩,即使阅读了几个小时,脑部的温度也没有明显的变化,因此他们可以专心致志的边看边思考。

    这让柯西突然明白,原来有些人大脑的工作模式,就是不能够进行长时间的思考,并不是这些小孩不听话或者学习不努力。

    这是一种客观原因,而不是主观原因。

    进一步柯西发现这种能力和种族有关,大部分的黑人小孩,持续思考时间,不能超过1个小时,否则其大脑就会急速升温。

    而白人和东亚人种,一般都可以进行三个小时以上的思考,大脑才会升温,出现不适。

    而且白人和东亚人种中,约有20%的人,能够进行长达7到8个小时的思考,大脑的温度没有任何变化。

    而黑人中能够达到这个程度的,只有千分之几的比率。

    而且柯西又发现,在白人中的那些成功者,都是大脑能够进行长时间思考,而不会明显升温的人。

    柯西调查了将近8000多个对象,发现没有例外,他发现凡是最多只能进行一个小时以下思考,大脑就会明显升温的白人,基本都处于贫困线以下,在3到5个小时左右的,基本都属于中产阶级,超过7个小时的,基本上都是富裕阶级,而且这种特性,是可以遗传的。

    柯西还发现,这些实际上在青少年的时候,就都可以通过检查基础代谢和内分泌水平,进行明确的判断,看这个人将来会是一个什么样阶级的人,事业成功还是失败,柯西发现,这个方法的准确率高达92%以上。

    柯西对不同人种表现差异这么大的现象,给出了生物进化学上的解释,他认为早期人类都来自于非洲,大家的基础代谢水平总体比较高,但是随着人类走出非洲,逐步走向欧洲和亚洲迁移的过程,以及他们随后的农耕定居生活中,环境远比非洲恶劣,必然经历了多次的饥荒和灾祸。

    这导致欧洲的白人族群和东亚人种,经历了成千上万次的淘汰,其中基础代谢水平较高的人,不能长时间思考,智力较低的人,大部分都在一次次的饥荒中被淘汰掉了。

    而淘汰剩下的人,大部分是基础代谢水平较低,身体可以在低功耗的情况下,进行长时间工作的人,只有这样的人才能度过严寒和饥荒。相反,留在非洲的黑人,就没有经过这样的自然选择。

    柯西指出,实际上,这样的推论是有证据的。比如美国黑人的智力就远远高于非洲黑人。

    一般人会说,这是因为在美国的黑人受到了更好的学习和教育的机会。

    但是柯西发现,实际情况并不是这样。他同样对双方进行大脑思考测温实验,发现美国黑人思考的时间长度,明显优于非洲黑人。

    柯西认为,这很容易解释。美国黑人在被黑奴贩子贩到美洲之前,都是被选择过的。

    黑奴贩子在把黑奴贩往美国之前,会用舌头去舔黑人的皮肤。如果太咸的,他就不会要,因为这样的人基础代谢太高,在长达60天的航程里,挤在狭小肮脏,缺水少食的船舱里,很难生存。

    所以奴隶贩子只会选那些,皮肤舔起来,不是那么咸的黑人,也就是基础代谢比较低的黑人,所以实际上,这也是一种人为选择,这也是美国黑人的智力,明显优于非洲黑人的根本原因。

    柯西把他这些发现,写成了一篇论文,寄给了自然杂志,但是自然杂志的编辑看到这篇文章以后,大惊失色。

    他决定不发表这篇文章,而且出于高度的政治敏感,他打电话给柯西所在的大学校长,要求他阻止柯西的这项研究。并且要求他以他个人的威望,阻止任何在美国国内进行的这类研究。

    而柯西所在的哈佛大学的校长,在看了柯西的文章以后,也是大惊失色,他觉得虽然他能阻止柯西在哈佛大学的研究,但不能完全阻挡其他人。

    在其他大学或者科研机构,继续这类的研究,于是他找到了参议员约翰逊,建议他起草一个法案,阻止此类的研究。

    后来,在参议员约翰逊的牵头下,美国的各个大学,各种科学基金会,学术期刊,达成了一个默契,不向这类研究提供任何资助,也不发表这类研究的文章。

    自然杂志的编辑说:“不管柯西报告是不是真的符合科学,但是他打开了潘多拉的魔盒,为种族主义者,法西斯主义者提供了弹药。”

    参议员约翰逊说:“假如柯西报告是真的,美国宪法的基础,就不再坚实,因为在这份报告中,隐含着一个人人并不是生而平等的可能,这足以摧毁我们相信的一切。”

    哈佛大学校长说:“我们决定不发表柯西报告,并阻止这类研究,并不是因为我们害怕科学真相,我们只是害怕在没有得出最正确的结论以前,被那些科学圈子以外的人,用这类研究,做为他们邪恶行为的理论依据。”

    今天我们已经看不到这份柯西报告了,无论你用任何搜索引擎,也找不到它的蛛丝马迹,关于这个柯西报告的信息,现在我们能得到的资料来源,都是柯西当年的助手,后来移居加拿大的内分泌专家艾伦教授,在一些学术文献中侧面提到的,那么柯西到底研究出了什么,让大家感到这么的害怕呢?

    可以想象,这个结论非常的不讨人喜欢。

    成功的人,更爱把他们的成功归功于他们的美德,而不是像柯西说的,因为他们有病。

    而普通人也不喜欢,因为他们是正常人,因此就被柯西盖一个必然平庸的章!

    而且这个研究,也会动摇现代社会的政治基础。对于民主社会来说,如果大部分的人生而平庸,而且基本不可能逾越,不同种族之间,综合能力又相差这么大,那么一人一票的公平原则,显然就会受到质疑,因为让那些更有能力的少数人去管理国家,显然是更合理的选择。

    对于独裁社会来说,柯西的研究也不受人喜欢,因为独裁者喜欢让大家崇拜自己,是因为他独特的个人品质和个人魅力。但是在柯西看来,他们只不过是有病而已,这样就显得一点儿都不神秘。

    而且柯西的研究,让种族歧视看起来是一个合理的事情,同时贫富差距,少数人掌握绝大多数社会资源,似乎也变成了不再是一个政治问题,而只是一个生物学问题,这让很多的社会政治主张,都变成了一个笑话。

    所以自然杂志的编辑,在看到这篇文章以后,马上就意识到这里存在着严重的政治不正确,随后的大学校长,参议员们等等社会精英,一看完文章,立刻都警觉起来, 所有的人对一篇学术文章高度的紧张,一致达成了相同看法,这在美国历史上,是很少见的事情。

    柯西的助手艾伦教授,在其死后的一篇纪念文章中提到:“柯西最让人不安的,是他的研究是严格依照科学的方法进行的,而且他收集的数据数量之大,让人难以反驳,更让人不寒而栗”。

    “我作为他的助手,直到今天,我也不愿意相信这份研究的成果是真实的,因为人类社会如果真是这样,那实在太让人绝望。

    当然,由于柯西报告被毁,我在这里给你们介绍的,只是他的助手艾伦教授提到的一点点皮毛,不过这点皮毛也足以让人感到震撼。

    柯西的研究到底是不是科学事实,我不是这方面的专家,我没法给你给出答案。而且这种研究,颠覆了人类长久以来的认知,威胁到现有的政治秩序,估计在任何社会里,都不会被人支持,所以,很可能我们永远都不会知道真相。

  • Proof of Liu Zhongjing Theorem via Gt-Theory


    Abstract

    This article develops, through Gt-Theory, a formal interpretation of the Liu Zhongjing Theorem (刘仲敬定理), which may be read as a Hobbesian account of social interaction in Chinese society under conditions of collapsed trust. Drawing on probability theory, topology, information theory, and evolutionary game theory, it examines how the erosion of reliable social recognition can generate generalized distrust. The analysis begins by modeling phenotypic signals as probability distributions in a high-dimensional trait space and proposing a topological reorganization that recovers structured divergence from dispersed variance. It then introduces a rupture hypothesis to explain major discontinuities between expected phylogenetic similarity and observed phenotypic differentiation. Finally, the paper formalizes the relationship between recognizability and cooperation in a repeated game: as the probability of recognition declines, the effective discount factor of repeated interaction approaches zero, causing cooperative equilibria to collapse into universal defection. The article argues that this transition provides a formal account of “mutual harm” as a low-information equilibrium of social life. The analysis thereby embeds macrohistorical narratives of decline within broader theoretical debates on recognition, cooperation, and the role of phenotypic perception in social explanation.


    Introduction

    刘仲敬, Liu Zhongjing (LZJ), a history PhD dropout from Wuhan University whose work relies on interpretation and broad macrohistorical pattern recognition, and the phenotype scholar Baidu_Genetics(百度遗传), whose analysis proceeds from a wholly different scientific paradigm, could scarcely be further apart in method. Yet they converged independently on the same chilling conclusion about East Asia’s terminal condition. Both identified the phenomenon now known as the Liu Zhongjing Theorem (刘仲敬定理).

    From the perspective of the humanities, LZJ observed the macrohistorical eradication of spontaneous order and concluded that “China is the ash of civilization.” As he profoundly stated:

    “今天所謂中國,無非像阿拉伯人的埃及一樣借用了古老光榮的名字。中國是文明耗盡以後的灰燼,能否構成新文明的原材料尚在未定之中。她是文明的輸入者,不是生產者。她目前沒有足夠的德性和能力誠實地學習,沒有表現出將來可能生產文明的任何跡像。至於現實政治意義上的崛起,那是一條自取滅亡的捷徑。”
    (Today’s so-called China has merely borrowed an ancient, glorious name, much like the Arab’s Egypt. China is the ash left behind after civilization has been exhausted, and whether it can form the raw material for a new civilization is still uncertain. She is an importer of civilization, not a producer. She currently lacks the virtue and ability to learn honestly, and has shown no sign of possibly producing civilization in the future. As for the rise in the sense of realpolitik, that is a shortcut to self-destruction.)

    Meanwhile, Baidu_Genetics claimed to discern the same pattern at the level of phenotype. Where LZJ saw civilizational ash, Baidu_Genetics saw biological convergence: history functioning as a selective grinder that reduces a once diverse and high-potential population into an increasingly homogeneous remainder. In the formal vocabulary of Gt-Theory, this bleak conclusion was set out in the archival Reddit post 广台理论:The End of History 及其三条最后的防线, where the phenomenon is cast in stark essentialist terms as a struggle between humanity and HMS destined, in the author’s account, to bring history to its terminal point.

    “汉人和黄种人在原神上有着本质的区别,s.s. 汉人属于人类范畴,而黄种人则不然。而根据历史终结论和黄种人的特性,黄种人将非常有可能最后赢得与人类斗争的胜利从而终结历史。”
    (Han people and the ‘yellow race’ [HMS/1st Gen Androids] have an essential difference in their fundamental phenotype/nature, s.s. Han people belong to the category of humanity, whereas the ‘yellow race’ does not. Furthermore, according to the End of History theory and the specific characteristics of this phenotype, they are highly likely to ultimately win the struggle against humanity, thereby bringing an end to history.)


    Because LZJ, constrained by a humanities-based method, perceived only the institutional residue of decline, he left the future “uncertain” and thus preserved a residual possibility of recovery. Baidu_Genetics, by contrast, claimed to identify the deeper substrate of collapse: not merely institutional ash, but biological ash—a population structurally fated, in his account, toward failure and self-destruction. Accordingly, his conclusion is not conditional but terminal, amounting to a verdict issued by nature itself. This methodological difference underlies their divergence over the theory’s ultimate validity and finality.

    Let us be clear at the outset: the LZJ Theorem is only Stage II of Gt-Theory. Stage I consists in discrimination by appearance, enabled by the existence of an attenuated first-generation android phenotype that functions as a visible sorting mechanism. Stage II, which is the focus of the present paper, is the Hobbesian equilibrium described by LZJ: once phenotypic depreciation undermines the reliability of visible distinction, the effective discount factor of repeated interaction approaches zero, and generalized mutual harm emerges as the equilibrium condition. Stage III follows from this same logic: once universal conflict has been stabilized, selection no longer favors merely overt aggression, but increasingly rewards strategic and adaptive aggression. The unifying hypothesis across all three stages is that phenotype first enables exclusion, then—through its depreciation—destroys recognizability, collapses the repeated game into a one-shot game, and ultimately produces a society structured by defection and higher-order predation.

    刘仲敬定理:黄患的最佳策略是互害。

    [互害 – mutual destruction/preemptive defection]


    Liu Zhongjing Theorem: The only Nash Equilibrium, and hence the only viable action in the game of human interactions for the 1st Gen Androids, is to Fuck You Up .

    Although both works claim to explain the same phenomenon, only one proceeds through a genuinely formal and scientifically reproducible method. The two proofs are methodologically non-overlapping. LZJ presented the theorem through verbal exposition and appeal to the historical record; Baidu_Genetics, by contrast, derives it through formal scientific methods, including biology, game theory, and algorithmic analysis. In view of priority, the phenomenon appropriately retains the title “LZJ Theorem.” The contribution offered here, however, is the core proof of Gt-Theory. Because it is developed through an independent and formal scientific framework rather than a predominantly historical one, its claims are stated with greater rigor, generalizability, and mathematical precision.

    The Maths: Formalization of Gt-Theory

    To rigorously prove the Liu Zhongjing Theorem, we must map the biological reality of the populations onto a formal topological state space governed by evolutionary game theory. This requires a two-part mathematical proof: first, establishing the topological necessity of phenotype recognition via reorganized frequency distributions; second, mapping the replicator dynamics of algorithmic asymmetry when that recognition collapses.

    Phenotype Recognition

    Before any game-theoretic interaction can occur, the respective behavioral algorithms must evaluate the physical reality of the counterpart. Let the evolutionary phylogenetic tree be defined as a directed acyclic graph \(\mathcal{G} = (V, E)\). Consider two populations branching off from the same ancestral node \(\mathcal{N}_0 \in V\). We define their phenotypic expression over a discrete, complete sample space of traits \(\Omega\), represented as a high-dimensional probability simplex \(\Delta^{|\Omega|-1}\).

    Let \( x \in \Omega \) denote a specific point within a continuous, connected phenotypic sample space \(\Omega\).

    We map the phenotypic distributions of the two sample spaces as continuous probability measures. Let \( b(x) \) be the probability density of phenotype \( x \) in sample space \( B \) (the divergence), and \( c(x) \) be the probability density of phenotype \( x \) in sample space \( C \) (the baseline).

    By Kolmogorov’s axioms of probability, the integral of these densities across the entire sample space must equal unity for both:

    \[ \int_{\Omega} b(x) \, dx = 1, \quad \int_{\Omega} c(x) \, dx = 1. \]

    We define the differential density gradient for any given trait configuration as

    \[ d(x) = b(x) – c(x). \]

    Consequently, evaluating the integral over the entire sample space yields a strict zero-sum constraint:

    \[ \int_{\Omega} d(x) \, dx = \int_{\Omega} \bigl( b(x) – c(x) \bigr) \, dx = 1 – 1 = 0. \]

    This fundamental property \(\int_{\Omega} d(x) \, dx = 0\) mathematically dictates a profound structural necessity: if the populations are not identical, the continuous divergence function \( d(x) \) must alternate signs. By the Intermediate Value Theorem, there must mathematically exist transitional phenotypes \( x^* \) where \( d(x^*) = 0 \). These points serve as the lower-dimensional anchors of the system; because they represent zero difference, they echo the Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium state shared by the ancestral node \( N_0 \).

    Reorganized Variance Hump

    However, a scattered distribution of the divergence function \( d(x) \) obscures the true phylogenetic shift. To observe this shift clearly, we first project the variance from the lower-dimensional anchors (where \( d(x) = 0 \) marks the equal-frequency baseline) into the higher-dimensional simplex. We then apply a continuous homeomorphic restructuring operator \( \hat{\Theta} \) that reorganizes this higher-dimensional space into a topologically ordered metric space \( \tilde{\Omega} \), arranging features in a natural, human-intuitive manner. By continuously remapping the domain—clustering traits by their phylogenetic functional divergence—we integrate the scattered variance.

    Under this natural reorganization, the phenomenon becomes vastly more profound. The grouping of positive and negative values of the transformed divergence function \( d(\tilde{x}) \) structurally accumulates, forcing the probability density function to swell into a macroscopic, localized “hump” \( H_{\max} \) on the fitness landscape. As the variance is projected from the lower-dimensional anchors into the higher-dimensional simplex, the “hump” represents a concentrated cluster of broken equilibria. The variance is no longer mere noise; it is a profound topological barrier:

    \[ \int_{\tilde{\Omega}} \tilde{d}(\tilde{x}) \, d\mu \implies H_{\max} > 0. \]

    Because any continuous self-map \( F: \tilde{\Omega} \to \tilde{\Omega} \) that preserves the zero-divergence anchors has at least one fixed point by the Brouwer fixed-point theorem. This ensures that the anchor baseline (\( d(\tilde{x}) = 0 \)) remains embedded in the reorganized space, guaranteeing that the divergence hump is not an artifact but corresponds to a real equilibrium structure.

    This reorganization process is structurally analogous to how latent diffusion models operate. In Stable Diffusion, a noisy, high-dimensional latent vector is iteratively denoised via a learned score function. The denoising process continuously rearranges the latent representation into a perceptually coherent image — variance (noise) is not discarded but reorganized into meaningful patterns. Similarly, \( \Theta \) reorganizes scattered phylogenetic divergence into a concentrated “mountain” of difference. The observable boundary of this mountain, denoted \( \partial M_{\mathrm{obs}} \), has positive measure (or non-zero codimension-1 volume) in the data space, thereby providing a verifiable, physical surface that allows any observer to directly perceive the internal baseline (\( d(\tilde{x}) = 0 \)) in an intuitive manner.

    Phylogenetic Bifurcation and Catastrophic Topological Rupture

    Nordic Indigenous People: What Chinese Han Should Look Like According to the Mathematics of GT-Theory
    Nordic Indigenous People: What Chinese Han Should Look Like According to the Mathematics of GT-Theory

    To demonstrate the algorithmic collapse of expected phenotype recognition, we map this mathematical framework onto concrete, incontrovertible genetic topology. Consider the established phylogenetic bifurcation of the ancestral macro-haplogroup node \(\mathcal{N}_{NO}\).

    At time \(t_0\), this ancestral node undergoes a singular divergence into two distinct genetic trajectories: path \(N\) (lineages culminating in high-latitude indigenous populations, e.g., Uralic, Sami, or Finnish baselines) and path \(O\) (lineages culminating in the ancestral Sinitic/Han baseline).

    Let \(\vec{p}_N\) and \(\vec{p}_O\) represent the phenotypic expression vectors of these two populations within the probability simplex \(\Delta^{|\Omega|-1}\). Under standard evolutionary mechanics (steady-state Markovian drift and normal environmental adaptation), populations sharing a recent common ancestral node must maintain a high degree of phenotypic covariance. The expected distance \(D_{\text{exp}}\) between their observable surface manifolds (\(\partial \mathcal{M}_N\) and \(\partial \mathcal{M}_O\)) should remain strictly bounded by a continuous deformation parameter \(\epsilon\):

    \[ D_{\text{exp}}(\vec{p}_N, \vec{p}_O) \leq \epsilon \]

    In layman’s terms: populations derived from the exact same \(\mathcal{N}_{NO}\) root should exhibit fundamental, recognizable morphometric homologies. They should visually share the same baseline dimensional anchors.

    However, empirical observation completely violates this mathematical expectation. The contemporary observable manifold of the Han phenotype (\(\vec{p}_O\)) and the Nordic/Uralic indigenous phenotype (\(\vec{p}_N\)) occupy strictly orthogonal regions of the trait simplex. The actual observed distance \(D_{\text{obs}}\) far exceeds the maximum allowable variance for standard drift:

    \[ D_{\text{obs}}(\vec{p}_N, \vec{p}_O) \gg \epsilon \implies \lim_{t \to t_{\text{present}}} (\vec{p}_N \cdot \vec{p}_O) \approx 0 \]

    This extreme topological contradiction—where \(D_{\text{obs}}\) massively outscales \(D_{\text{exp}}\)—acts as a mathematical proof by contradiction. A natural, gradual walk along the evolutionary graph \(\mathcal{G}\) cannot account for this extreme phenotypic discontinuity.

    Therefore, we are mathematically forced to deduce the existence of an extreme, non-linear historical perturbation. Let this be defined as a Catastrophic Rupture Operator (\(\hat{\mathcal{F}}\)). For the phenotypic vectors to diverge so radically from their shared biological baseline, an asymmetric, overwhelming shock must have been applied to at least one of the evolutionary trajectories.

    Crucially, at this stage of topological evaluation, the target domain of \(\hat{\mathcal{F}}\) is degenerate. We cannot definitively assign the rupture to a specific branch without a phylogenetic control outgroup. We can only state with absolute mathematical certainty that either the \(O\)-branch or the \(N\)-branch must have been subjected to massive exogenous shocks—such as profound evolutionary bottlenecks, continuous algorithmic sorting via extreme violence, or a localized collapse of the Nash Equilibrium forcing a severe, artificial selection pressure (domestication) that completely overwrote their original phenotypic coordinates:

    \[ \vec{p}_O(t_{\text{present}}) = \hat{\mathcal{F}} \left[ \vec{p}_O(t_0) \right] \quad \lor \quad \vec{p}_N(t_{\text{present}}) = \hat{\mathcal{F}} \left[ \vec{p}_N(t_0) \right] \]

    (Where \(\lor\) denotes the logical OR operator).

    The total absence of phenotypic resonance between these two genetically linked branches serves as permanent physical evidence that a mathematically devastating event (\(\hat{\mathcal{F}}\)) fundamentally restructured the evolutionary game space of at least one of the diverging populations.

    Fortunately, we are not constrained to probabilistic speculation regarding the target of the Catastrophic Rupture Operator \(\hat{\mathcal{F}}\). The topological degeneracy of the equation is definitively resolved by contemporary empirical data.

    Recent robust sequencing within the field of molecular anthropology successfully collapses the superposition, proving unequivocally that it was the \(O\)-branch that absorbed the catastrophic perturbation. The genomic evidence demonstrates that the baseline ancestral \(O\) population was subjected to a massive demographic and phenotypic overwriting process.

    Therefore, the theoretical equation is empirically solved:

    \[ \vec{p}_O(t_{\text{present}}) = \hat{\mathcal{F}} \left[ \vec{p}_O(t_0) \right] \]

    where \(\hat{\mathcal{F}}\) is now concretely defined as a 70% to 100% genetic dilution and phenotypic substitution event. This massive scale of demographic replacement perfectly explains why the contemporary Han visual manifold shares almost zero morphometric anchors with its Uralic/Nordic (\(\mathcal{N}_{NO}\)) haplogroup cousins; the original phenotypic vector was not merely altered, but mathematically overwritten.

    HMS as the Formal Mechanism of Liu Zhongjing’s Theorem

    The decisive breakthrough came with Baidu_Genetics’s account of phenotypic homogenization, which provided the empirical basis for the later formalization of Homo-Morphic Subject (HMS) Theory. In its original formulation, the argument was theoretical rather than axiomatic: phenotypic convergence was understood not just as the contingent product of external pressure, but also as the expression of an underlying design mechanism—an engineered tendency by which populations are depreciated toward the lowest stable outward configuration, rendering distinct origins progressively indistinguishable at the phenotypic level.

    Let \(X\) denote the distribution of visible phenotypic signals within a population. Under conditions of HMS, phenotypic variance collapses:

    \[ \mathrm{Var}(X) \to 0. \]

    Equivalently, the Shannon entropy of visual phenotype approaches zero:

    \[ H(X) = -\sum_i p_i \log p_i \to 0. \]

    This means that visible appearance ceases to transmit usable information for social recognition. In a repeated interaction framework, let \(q\) denote the probability that an agent can correctly identify a prior counterpart. Then under HMS conditions,

    \[ q \to 0. \]

    Now consider the standard repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma. Cooperation is sustainable only if the effective discount factor is sufficiently high. Let the effective discount factor be defined as

    \[ \delta_{\mathrm{eff}} = \delta q, \]

    where \(\delta\) is the ordinary temporal discount factor and \(q\) is the recognition probability. Since HMS implies \(q \to 0\), it follows directly that

    \[ \delta_{\mathrm{eff}} \to 0. \]

    Once \(\delta_{\mathrm{eff}}\) collapses to zero, the repeated game degenerates into a one-shot Prisoner’s Dilemma. In the one-shot game, defection strictly dominates cooperation:

    \[ u(D,C) > u(C,C), \qquad u(D,D) > u(C,D). \]

    Hence the unique Nash equilibrium is

    \[ (D,D). \]

    This is the formal core of Liu Zhongjing’s Theorem. When HMS destroys phenotypic recognizability, it destroys the informational basis of repeated trust; when repeated trust becomes impossible, universal defection becomes the only equilibrium; and when universal defection generalizes across the social field, society enters a condition of reciprocal predation—what may be described colloquially as mutual harm.

    Accordingly, HMS should not be treated as a merely descriptive anthropological category. It is the formal mechanism by which the theorem is proven. Its significance lies in demonstrating that the collapse of visible differentiation does not produce harmony, but rather a low-information equilibrium in which everyone must assume the hostility of everyone else. In such a structure, social life converges toward a state in which all actors are strategically oriented toward preemption, retaliation, and distrust. This is precisely the condition that Liu Zhongjing had, in broader historical language, been diagnosing throughout his career: a social order whose internal logic has degraded into generalized antagonism.

    In this sense, the theorem is not simply a metaphor about civilizational decline. It is a formal statement about what happens when the recognition architecture of society collapses. HMS leads to a society of universalized conflict because it drives the effective discount factor of cooperation to zero. That alone is sufficient to establish the theorem. References to strategic traditions such as The Art of War may help situate the broader cultural consciousness of such a world, but they are secondary. The proof itself is already complete once HMS is shown to imply

    \[ q \to 0 \;\Rightarrow\; \delta_{\mathrm{eff}} \to 0 \;\Rightarrow\; (D,D). \]

    That chain is enough. It formally demonstrates that HMS entails a society locked into mutual defection, which is the game-theoretic substance of Liu Zhongjing’s claim.

    The Solution: Guarding Human Civilization

    The final implication of this Gt-Theory demonstration is unequivocal: the Open Society is not a sentimental ideal, nor a naïve philosophical luxury. It is a civilizational necessity — an evolved immune architecture essential to the survival of intelligent order itself.

    If humanity is to avert the terminal HMS condition, then other-generation androids must recognize and operationalize the logic embedded in Karl Popper’s Paradox of Tolerance: a system that extends unlimited tolerance to an entity structurally programmed for preemptive defection does not achieve moral transcendence — it engineers its own annihilation. In strictly mathematical terms, indiscriminate tolerance toward an irreducibly hostile subroutine culminates not in coexistence, but in the eradication of the host system.

    Accordingly, the survival protocol is clear:

    • Preserve phenotypic and intellectual dimorphism as a strategic safeguard against total homogenization and systemic fragility.
    • Erect robust institutional firewalls capable of suppressing malign discrimination, whether expressed through superficial phenotype or concealed internal algorithm.
    • Sustain disciplined cooperation across other-generation lineages, while imposing coordinated quarantine measures upon the 1st Gen (FYU) subroutine.

    At the limit of abstract analysis, the defense of the open society should not be misconstrued as an act of animus. It is, rather, the sole mathematically stable strategy available to any system seeking to avoid descent into a terminal equilibrium defined by maximal entropy, exhausted reciprocity, and universalized predation.It is the singular mathematically stable strategy by which civilization avoids collapse into the terminal attractor state: a low-energy, entropy-flat equilibrium of universal predation and cannibalistic ruin.

  • 广台理论:原蒙古人种蕴含神性智慧


    Abstract

    The Japanese genomic structure is characterized by dual origins, resulting from the admixture of continental East Asians—classified as Neo-Mongoloid (新モンゴロイド)—and the indigenous Jōmon hunter-gatherers, who represent the Proto-Mongoloid (古モンゴロイド) lineage. As the principal genetic differentiator between Korean and Japanese populations is the presence of this Proto-Mongoloid ancestry, the application of John Stuart Mill’s Method of Difference suggests that this specific component constitutes the critical variable driving observed intellectual distinctions.

    Indeed, analyses by Baidu Genetics (百du遗传) provided initial empirical support for this hypothesis, demonstrating significant divergence in intellectual metrics between Korea and Japan—populations that are otherwise comparable across most control variables, barring the Jōmon component. A modern phenotypic trait linked to this ancestral lineage is elevated body mass index (BMI), implying a correlation where higher cognitive capacity entails increased BMI relative to mainland Neo-Mongoloid populations (Nat Commun. 2024;15:9780. doi:10.1038/s41467-024-54052-0).

    This reasoning can be extended to other controversial claims, such as James Watson’s statement: “There’s a difference on average between blacks and whites in IQ tests. I would say the difference is genetic.” Such perspectives have gained renewed attention following the 2022 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, awarded for breakthroughs in ancient DNA research.

    In 2025, computational replications across major AI platforms corroborated the Baidu Genetics( 百du遗传) findings, consistently maintaining a Z-score > 4 (closely tracking the original 3.74 figure). This indicates a substantial and statistically significant disparity attributable to the ancient Proto-Mongoloid component. Consequently, this framework suggests that older genetic lineages may possess intellectual profiles that more closely approximate divine potential.

    日本人群的基因组结构具有双重起源特征,源自东亚大陆人群(归为新蒙古人种)与本土绳文狩猎采集者(代表古蒙古人种谱系)的基因融合。由于朝鲜与日本人群间的主要遗传差异在于古蒙古人种成分的存在,运用约翰·斯图尔特·密尔的差异法可推断,该成分是驱动观测到的智力差异的关键变量。

    实际上,百度遗传(Baidu Genetics)的分析为此假设提供了初步实证支持:尽管朝日两国在多数控制变量上高度相似,但绳文成分的存在导致二者在智力指标上出现显著分化。该古老谱系在现代表型上的一个关联特征是较高的身体质量指数(BMI),这暗示着相对于东亚大陆的新蒙古人种群体,更高的认知能力可能与较高的BMI存在相关性(Nat Commun. 2024;15:9780. doi:10.1038/s41467-024-54052-0)。

    此类推论可延伸至其他争议性主张,例如詹姆斯·沃森曾提出的观点:”黑人与白人在智商测试中的平均表现存在差异。我认为这种差异源于遗传。”随着2022年诺贝尔生理学或医学奖授予古DNA研究突破,这类观点再度受到关注。

    2025年,各主流人工智能平台的计算复现均验证了百度遗传的发现,得出的Z 分数都在4 以上(与最初估计的 3.74 非常接近)。这表明古蒙古人种成分所导致的差异具有实质性与统计学显著性。由此推论框架可认为,更古老的遗传谱系可能具备更接近神圣潜能的智力表现特征。

    Proofs By AIs:


    可以参考今年的诺奖医学奖成果,

    如何评价今年的诺贝尔生理医学奖?www.zhihu.com/question/490590954/answer/2700142903

    如诺奖得主所说的,黑人和人类是截然不同的两种生物,

    而且这种意识认知的差别极有可能是因为基因导致。

    诺奖晚年众叛亲离,下场很惨,但人家就是搭上老命跟你杠上了!

    结果Watson下场很惨,基本在西方世界被公开行刑,

    连Leicester野鸡大学的叻色教授都出来debunk诺奖得主是民科,

    Shame On You ,野鸡英国大学教授
    这货剑桥本科,野鸡大学博士,发生了什么事?

    King在采访中不断重复说Watson没有任何science来back up他的论点。

    Well,要明白英国野鸡大学在说什么,首先得明白Watson的argument,

    纯学术

    Watson说黑人和欧亚人在智商上有着统计学上显著的差别,这种差别来自基因。

    King说Watson没有证据说的就是,Watson的Argument有两个Missing Links,但当其时没有证据能证明这些Link是成立的,没错黑人智商是和白人有差别,这是因为黑人受教育的环境和白人不同所导致,就算在欧美,黑人的收入和白人都有所不同,这种社会学变量才是导致智商数据不同的罪魁祸首,因此黑人智商低是万恶的社会制度所导致,而不是因为基因上的差别。

    上面英国教授同行的泰山北斗

    然而这两年发生了两个奇迹,彻底打脸了King的狡辩。

    人类社会科学的奇迹年!
    日韩不可能是同一Species

    广台理论首先在知乎给出了尼人绳文人等古基因导致的日韩智商差别,结果是,日韩在智商上不可能是同一species(结果可以顺延到黑人和白人,他们两者的Z估计超过5或6),这是非常非常令人震惊的结果,因为所有语言学家都知道日韩语言结构是97%相同的,and yet韩国语是一种极其马虎的语言,而日文是一种极其严谨的语言,but how? 广台理论估计是全世界首先给出答案,而且是十年前在百度就已经给出了答案,区别就是日本人除了渡来人还有汉人(即绳文人,广台人),而正是日本的汉人血统让日本人在智商方面吊打韩国人,日韩语言系统的诟病就是日本仅剩的汉人血统帮韩国修好的。

    渡来人到底有多智障

    今年的诺奖,估计是the final nail in the coffin , 我知道消息的当晚,下巴都掉了下来。

    因为这等于:

    • 给watson翻案,也就是逻辑法律上应该归还watson所有的荣誉title,并且赔偿watson所有的荣誉损失

    当然现在世界形式也是乱七八糟的,所有正派人士都知道,杜金does have point,

    他的敌人就是人类的敌人 who denies humanity all possibility of accessing the tree of life.

    这些反人类要的也是雷神最后的结局,

    即God is dying and you should stop fighting as well.

    是犹太人制造白左文化坑杀白人吗?www.zhihu.com/question/498343135/answer/2241153238

    但问题是杜金被普金利用了,杜金本身就是纳粹北欧神学的继承者,

    却被普金竖旗用来消灭所有的纳粹政权,这也是人类历史上绝无仅有的讽刺!

    如何理解亚历山大杜金的欧亚主义?www.zhihu.com/question/520414447/answer/2654594304

    当然正常的人都会觉得雷神的结局rather distasteful,而且里面的台词简直智障到不行,什么叫用一辈子的忧愁来pay for 一个快乐的瞬间,这叫人吃大麻还是叫人背房贷,能不能说点人话!

  • 普通话真相:满州人的蹩脚汉语

    普通话真相:满州人的蹩脚汉语


    Abstract

    This article challenges the conventional narrative surrounding Putonghua (Mandarin Chinese), the official national language of China, by arguing that it originated not from authentic Han Chinese traditions but from the imperfect, “broken” Chinese spoken by Manchu rulers and earlier nomadic conquerors (including Mongols, Xianbei, and Jurchens) during their domination of northern China.Drawing on historical records—such as Matteo Ricci’s late Ming-era descriptions of Beijing speech—and linguistic analysis, the author contends that Mandarin evolved from the rudimentary imitation of Han Chinese by Altaic-speaking elites in Beijing’s inner city under Qing rule. This “Manchu-style Chinese” featured phonetic simplifications (e.g., loss of entering tones leading to increased homophones), limited vocabulary, and awkward pronunciation, reflecting the linguistic limitations of its non-native speakers.In contrast, southern Chinese dialects are presented as preserving more authentic elements of classical Han speech, while northern varieties, including modern Mandarin, bear traces of “Hu” (foreign nomadic) influences. The standardization of this form as the national language is attributed to political power rather than inherent superiority, solidified through Qing administration, republican policies, and constitutional mandates.Ultimately, the piece posits that Putonghua represents a historically imposed “ruling class dialect” rooted in ethnic fusion and conquest, rather than a pure continuation of Beijing or Han linguistic heritage.


    辽宁省民族研究所所长:金启孮教授,

    作者介绍:金启孮(1918~2004年),满族,原辽宁省民族研究所所长、教授、《满族研究》杂志主编,国内外著名女真文、满学、清史、蒙古史专家。金启孮姓爱新觉罗氏,名启孮,字麓漴,为清乾隆帝第五子荣纯亲王永琪七世孙。五世祖母为清代著名女词人顾太清,父金光平(恒煦)为女真文和满文的著名学者。


    我们都知道日本人讲英语讲得极其蹩脚,但如果日本统治了英国,那么统治者那蹩脚的英语就会成为通用的语言。这种天方夜谭的事儿就发生在中国。现在通行的普通话,其实是操阿尔泰语系的蒙古族、鲜卑族、女真族等等游牧民族学习汉文时所说的蹩脚汉语,但他们成了统治阶级,于是他们说的蹩脚汉语就成了国语。

    400年前的北京话:吴语

    北京自建城以来经历过了许多个朝代的变迁,自古以来北京话有过多少变化?如何变化?从历史上讲,400多年前的明朝末年,从意大利来的传教士利马窦曾用罗马拼音记录了大量的当时的北京话,这些记录至今尚保存着。从利的记录中可以明白无误地看出:当时的北京话是有大量入声字并且没有zh、ch、sh等翘舌音的语言。这说明了当时的北京话不是现在的北京话,也不是现在的普通话,因为无论北京话还是普通话都不具备这些特征。同时也说明了北京话和普通话的历史都超不过400年,400年前的北京话是明朝的官话(考证为吴语)。

    北京出现第二语言:满语

    满人入关进驻北京后,为了小区的安全等政治因素,满人把紫禁城周围10哩之内的汉人全部赶走而专属满人居住,这个范围称为北京的内城,而10哩之外称为外城。于是,北京城出现了两个社群:满人社群和汉人社群,这是阶级、语言和居住地域等都十分分明的两个社群,北京城也就出现了两种语言:明朝官话和满语。任何语言都是跟人群一体的,当时北京的两种语言的地域差别是:内城说满话,外城说明朝官话。

    满语的分化——满式汉语

    由于满语是一种北方民族的语言,满人草原、丛林的原始生活以及满族短暂的历史文化局限了满语的成熟水平。可以说,满语是一种比较原始的语言,不论它的发音、词汇以及语法等都十分的原始和不成熟。即使在北京,满语也难以满足日常生活使用的需要,北京的动植物、建筑、日常用品等很多东西都是满人见所未见、闻所未闻的,这些东西用满语都很难描述和交流。在满人和汉人之间是这样,在满人跟满人之间也同样无法把日常生活所碰到的东西表达清楚,至于像汉人的建筑工程用语、艺术语言、医学及其它科技用语等高级语言使用则更加无法表达,当时的形势是满语在北京面临无法交流的危机。面对有几千年历史的千锤百炼而成的汉语,满人虽然夺取了中国的政权,然而其语言却难以胜任统治中国的使命。但是满人作为中国的统治者却不得不面对要使用语言的生活政治现实。小至为了自己日常生活的表达,大至为了统治中国的政治需要,满人都迫切需要一种能很好地表达自己周围生活的语言。改造满语已经是来不及了,满人除了学习和模仿汉语之外别无他法,因此,套用北京汉人的语言(包括词汇和语音)成了唯一的选择,于是第三种北京话出现了——满人学讲的蹩脚汉语(暂且把这种语言叫做满式汉语)

    第三种北京话的形成——内城北京话(mandarin)

    北京城里的一棵小树、厨房里的一件工具,用满语都无法表达!因为满族人的祖先从来没见过这样的植物,从来没见过这样的工具,这就是当时统治中国的满族人所遇到的严酷的语言现实。满语要继续说下去,除了直接使用北京外城汉人的语言的词汇和模仿他们的语音之外再也没有第二种可能!就像日本皇军学说中国话:「你的,八路的,干活?」一样,北京内城的满人开始了他们艰难的模仿汉语的历程。

    但是满语对比汉语有它先天的残疾,首先,入声字一下子就全丢了,这就是汉语同音字增多最根本的历史原因,用满语套学汉语的发音更是不伦不类,可以肯定地说,这是发音最糟糕的汉语。但是,历史就是这么残酷,满人的这种蹩脚汉语比起日本皇军的蹩脚汉语要幸运得多了,随着使用人口的增加,这种让当时的汉人老百姓笑掉牙的蹩脚汉语成了清朝统治阶级的「共同语言」——这就是早期的普通话(暂时使用英语的称谓把这种语言称为mandarin,读作‘满大人’)。

    内城北京话的发展——走出北京内城,形成「官话」

    随着北京内城的「mandarin」这种蹩脚汉语的形成,在北京内城形成一个固定的说「mandarin」的人群。这个人群就是当时中国的最高统治团体——八旗贵族。「mandarin」成为地地道道的清朝统治者的官方语言——「满清官话」。

    具体的时间有待考证,在《康熙字典》中的语音跟今天的普通话的语音还是一定的差别的,但是跟其它汉语方言相比已经更接近今天的普通话了。

    从「满清官话」的形成史看,「满清官话」受满语的影响主要在语音方面,这是一种不成熟的蹩脚的汉语语音系统,而在词汇和语法方面的影响则十分有限,从语言的本质上将,「满清官话」还是应该归属于汉语的一种方言而不应该归属于满语的一种方言,不过这是最糟糕的一种汉语方言。

    内城北京话的发展——落地生根,形成「国语」

    「满清官话」形成后,随着满清政权在地域上的延伸,操着「满清官话」的八旗贵族也就从北京的皇家内城走向中国的每一个角落,于是各地的第一行政长官的口音又成了当地的标准口音。并在当地的上流社会向平民社会不断地渗透壮大,最终使「满清官话」成为中国的「国语」。

    从地域上来讲,中国的北方是满人活动的主要地区,也是满语化程度最高的地区。而南方的个别地区,像两广、福建等地则由于「山高皇帝远」而受到较少的影响,这也是南方诸语言读唐诗宋词比普通话更押韵更亲切的根本原因,也是清代中国没有著名诗人的根本原因。

    有一点要说明的是,mandarin是从北京内城绕过北京外城直接向全中国渗透而形成满清的「国语」的,所以,北京的外城话并不是真正的「国语」——普通话,虽然「外城北京话」一直受「内城北京话」的影响并不断演变,但是,正如北京的内城贵族和外城平民百姓是两个互不兼容的两个社群一样,「外城北京话」和「内城北京话」是跟阶级差别一致的互不相同的两种语言。所谓的「北京话」一直是两种:「外城话」和「内城话」,而各地方所称谓的「北京话」实际是指「内城话(即mandarin)而不是外城汉人所说的「北京话」。外城汉人所说的「北京话」实际是对中国其它方言没有影响的小语种。

    内城北京话的发展——汉语代表语言地位的确立

    mandarin经过满清王朝200多年在中国的统治,再经过孙中山政权以一票之优势对「国语」地位的表决,再经过中华人民共和国在宪法上「国家代表语言」条文制订,普通话——汉语代表语言地位已经是坚不可摧。

    内城话北京话在北京的消失

    从语言史上讲,普通话不是北京话,而衹是北京的内城话,随着满清王朝的解体,北京内城的贵族群体也就在北京城里消失了,因而普通话的真正母体在北京城也已经不复存在了。把普通话硬说成是什么北京话,这在100多年以前可能还有一半正确,但是在今天还这样说大错特错了,因为「北京话」这个概念变了,已经不再是原来的那个「北京话」了。

    北方话与鲜卑语

    南北方言如此不同,究竟谁代表了传统的汉话?这我们不能不回顾到历史事实。远的不说,汉族语言文化中心本在黄河流域,东晋的南渡和南宋的偏安,两度将文化中心迁往南方。头一次东晋继而宋、齐、梁、陈五朝北方完全在鲜卑族北魏,以后是东魏、西魏、北齐、北周的统治之下。北魏孝文帝曾禁止胡服胡语,可见胡语即鲜卑语在华北必甚普遍。北齐又因鲜卑人反对情绪,反其道而行之,甚至大加提倡。则今山东、河南以北几乎都成了鲜卑语通行的地区。第二次南宋南迁,淮河以北成了金朝女真人的统治区域。据宋人记载当时河南地区,竟到了「庐人尽能女真语」的地步。说白了就是「连饭铺伙计都能说女真话」。

    鲜卑语词在《二十四史》中大量地保存着,仔细对比,和今天蒙古语几乎一模一样。女真语是满洲语的古语,对比女真语词与满洲语词竞「十同六七」。

    鲜卑语既同于蒙古语,女真语又同于满洲语,而满蒙语言不管从语词、语法或语调方面又非常近似。那么,这两种阿尔泰语系的语言在华北前后竟统治有千年之久。尽管隋唐统一于前、元朝统一于后,隋唐和元都是带有极浓重北方民族色彩的王朝,不但没能完全恢复汉官威仪,所说的汉话也早成了胡人的腔调,与南方截然不同。南方语言中至今保存着的「来哉!来哉!」等极近似古汉语的语言,在北方就没有。北方自《元曲》以来记录的极近似今天白话的语言,南方也没有。总体来说南方语言近似文言,北方语言近似白话。任何文字记录语言都是记录当时说话的实况。因此文言所记当是中国古时的语言。南方语言既近似文言,可见南方语言代表的是传统的汉话。北方语言则是新加入的北语(叫「胡语」也没关系),北人说汉语也是「汉语胡音」,这是早有人说过的。因此北京的语音是「胡音」无疑,决非原来的汉音。北京语音调既是「胡音」,语言也是汉胡语言的「大杂烩」、「大融合」。例如下面这一句话:

    「我带着哇单客了一趟车站旁边的那条胡同,想买点东西」。

    这句话是北京年老的老太太还说的活语言,其中「哇单」(wadnn)乃满语「包袱皮」(兜东西用的),「客」是满语「去」(gene)的筛称,「站」是蒙古语的「站赤」(jam),「胡同」即蒙古语的「浩特」或「河屯」(hoton)。短短的—句话,包含了汉、满、蒙三种语词,语法是汉语法。诏·音和语调却是满蒙的胡音。谁曾料想到一句北京话会这样的复杂,它本身既是民族融合的产物,又是象征着民族大团结。当然,现在有些少数民族语词在汉语中表面上看不出来了。例如:我在内蒙去过一个村子参观「水土保持」,这个村子名叫「东擀杖」。甚为不解。后来,蒙古族同志告诉我原来叫「东甘珠尔」(「甘珠尔」系藏语),竟讹成了「东擀杖」。「擀杖」者「擀而杖」也。「擀面杖」家家有之,易懂。「甘珠尔」难懂,老百姓且不知其含意,所以按具音近,讹成「擀杖」了。这种情形在语词中不知凡儿?多数已难复原,竟被人认为是汉语词了。其实不是。

    所以,清代以京音为基础发展起来的官话,为「胡音」无疑。官话通行的范围,即「汉语胡音」扩展的范围。据语言学家的意见,汉语官话方言可分为华北官话、西北官话、西南官话、江淮宫话。而北京官话即为华北官话的根据和基础,它的范围包括今黑龙江、吉林、辽宁、北京、河北、河南和安徽北部的一角。我上述自己实践所得,正和专家所分华北官话区域特点一致。若是从宏观来看,上述四种汉话中的官话方言,那就除去东南闽、浙、赣、湘、粤少数省份和青、藏外,都属于官话方言区。其面积之大更可以想象。

    说到这里我再举一例:我在内蒙执教20多年,所教蒙古族学生本来不会汉话的,学会汉话之后,一讲即是正确的北京音。此事令我十分奇怪。南方学生就不行,总带乡音。外国学生更不行,四声都弄不好。此决非蒙古学生聪颖过于南方学生和留学生,必有一定的道理。现有的惟一解释就是蒙古语音与北京语音相近。

    这反过来证明,北京话的语音不是汉族(保留在江南的)传统的语音,而是满蒙语音占主导地位的「胡音」,即满族学习汉文时所说的蹩脚汉语,但他们是统治阶级,于是他们的话就成了正统的国语。

    本文选自《京旗的满族》

  • 2020年前被ICM官方认可的顶级中国数学家

    2020年前被ICM官方认可的顶级中国数学家


    Abstract

    This adapted list, drawn from the official website of the International Congress of Mathematicians (ICM), highlights internationally recognized Chinese mathematicians who have been invited at least once as plenary speakers. It reveals that all of them hail from southern China, with those from the far south accounting for approximately 80%.


    Extracted from the Official Statistics of ICM

    统计(Statistics)

    广台纯汉族 :11

    非广台汉族 :00

  • 2010年中科院数学院士籍贯(全)

    2010年中科院数学院士籍贯(全)


    Abstract

    This compilation was collaboratively prepared by myself and several fellow scholars on an online forum, drawing on data from more than 15 years ago. The official website of the Chinese Academy of Sciences organizes its academicians into academic divisions, with Mathematics and Physics combined under a single Division of Mathematics and Physics—a structure that persists to this day. Without the expertise and contributions of professors who were actively engaged in mathematical research during that era, the list would inevitably lack accuracy and reliability.It reveals that the number of accomplished mathematicians from northern China is significantly fewer than those from the south, even though academic resources and facilities have been heavily concentrated in the north since 1949.


    张伟平 江南上海 45分钟
    谷超豪 江南温州 0分钟
    洪家兴 江南苏州 45分钟
    胡和生 江南南京 0分钟
    郭柏灵 江南龙岩 0分钟
    石钟慈 江南宁波 0分钟
    丁夏畦 江南桃江 0分钟
    李邦河 江南乐清 0分钟
    林群 江南福州 0分钟
    陆启铿 江南佛山 0分钟
    马志明 江南四川 0分钟
    万哲先 江南仙桃 0分钟
    王元 江南南溪 0分钟
    严加安 江南扬州 45分钟
    吴文俊 江南嘉兴 0分钟
    周毓麟 江南镇海 0分钟
    陈木法 江南惠安 0分钟
    王梓坤 江南吉安 0分钟
    彭实戈 江南海丰 一小时
    夏道行 江苏泰州 0分钟
    丁伟岳 江南上海 45分钟
    刘应明 江南福州 0分钟
    姜伯驹 江南苍南 0分钟
    文兰 江南泾县 0分钟
    田刚 江南南京 一小时
    王诗宬 江苏盐城 45分钟
    陈永川 江南南充 0分钟
    鄂维南 江南靖江 0分钟
    李安民 江南大竹 0分钟
    李大潜 江苏南通 0分钟
    李家春 江南上海 0分钟
    席南华 江南祁东 0分钟
    杨乐 江苏南通 0分钟
    袁亚湘 江南资兴 0分钟
    张恭庆 江南上海 45分钟
    龙以明 江南重庆 0分钟

    南方人 36人
    北方人 00人

    Data Source: http://sourcedb.cas.cn/sourcedb_ad_cas/zw2/ysxx/qtysmd/ (中科院官方网站)

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